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No people since the dawn of civilization 
were ever placed in a more critical and dan- 
gerous position than the people of our once 
glorious, happy and prosperous country now 
are. The government is predicated upon the 
theory, (which we hold to be correct,) that 
man is capable of self-government. Under 
the reign of peace and prosperity which has 
favored us, the highest degree of civilization 
has been developed, and tliHt a fair and per- 
fect test of the truth or falsity of the theory, 
is to be demonstrated by the issue of our 
troubles, no man who correctly discerns the 
eigns of the times can doubt. 

The Union of these states is the creature of 
our constitution, and if the issue shall be de- 
cided in the field, and by the ballot box, in 
favor of the constitution, the correctness of 
that theory will be gloriously and triumphantly 
vindicated, but if, on the contrary, armed re- 
bellion in the south shall be a success, and the 
enemies of constitutional liberty shall succeed 
at the ballot box, this government and that 
theory, the hopes of the oppressed and the 
terror of tyrants, will set in darkness forever. 

It is with a view of aiding in the preserva- 
vation of that inheritance of every American 
citizen, that this paper is written, and submit- 
ted to the consideration of a people who ought 
to be free. On the \<ot\ day of May, 1861, 
the republican convention met in the city of 
Chicago, and adopted a platform enunciating 
certain principles to which they as a party 
pledged themselves ; among which they assert, 
in the fourth resolution : 

"That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of 
the states, and especially the rights of each state 
to order and control its own domestic institutions, 
according to its own judgment, exclusively, is es- 
sential to that balance ofpower on which the perfec- 
tion and endurance of our political faith depends." 

And in their sixth resolution : 

" That the people justly view with alarm the reck- 
less extravagance which pervades every depart- 
ment of the lederal government ; that a return to 
rigid economy and accountability is indispensable 
to arrest the system of plunder of the public treas- 
ury bv favored partis.ans. while the recent develop- 
ments of fraud and corruption, at the federal met- 
ropolis, shoH that un entire change of administration 
is imperatively demanded." 

And in their eighth resolution : 

"That no person should be deprived of life, ins- 
ERTT or PROPERTY without duc process of law, and 
that it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever 
such legislation is necessary to maintain this pro- 
vision of the constitution, against all attempts to 
violate it." 

\ The public speakers of the republican party 
and their presses, teemed with abuse of the 
southern people for the reason that American 
citizjns could not, in the south, express their 
opinions on the question uf slavery, and very 
correctly asserted that the suppression of free 
speech and a free press was contrary to the 
genius of American liberty; and pledged 
themselves and their party', unalterably, to 
the freedom of speech and the freedom of the 
press. Abraham Lincoln was nominated upon 
the platform and pledges of which the foreg q- 
ing are a part, by the republican convention 
and upon such pledges and platform, he was 
constitutionally elected president of the Uni 
ted States. On the 4th of March, 1861, Abra- 
ham Lincoln was inaugurated, and in his in - 
augural said : 

i„llffH'"'''\f -^^^ \ ^^^®. ""^ purpose, directly or 
indirectly, to interfere with the instituUon of sla- 
very m the states where it exists ; that / believe I 
Aat'ew LAWFUL right to do so, and have no inclina- 
tion to do so." 

But a short period of time before, the whole 
republican delegation in congress, 

Resolved, That neither congress, nor the 'peonle or 
governmenU of the non-slaoeholding states have a 
constitutional Hght to legislate upon or interfere 
with slavery in any slaveholding state of the 

Such were the pledges the republican party 
made to the American people on going into 
power. Have they been false to their ple'dges? 
Have they fulfilled their promises ? It is sin- 
gular, but nevertheless true, that their leaders 
have made no pledge to the people that thev 
have not violated— no promise that they have 
fulfilled. They assert, as a cardinal point of 
their faith, "the maintenance inviolate of the 
rights of the states to regulate their own do- 
mestic institutions." They resolve, by their 
members of congress, "that the government 
the states, nor the people, have the constitu- 
tional right to legislate or interfere with sla 
very in any slaveholding state of the Union ; 
their president declares that he has no lawful 
right or inclination to do so. They make 
these pledges, and enunciate these principles, 
after power is acquired by them, yet before 
two years have elapsed we find them assuming 
greater authority than they themselves assume 
to be constitutional. We find the president 
issuing a proclamation interfering with the 
domestic institutions of the slave states, which 
he declared, on the 4th of March, 1861, he 
had no lawful right or inclination to do. We 


find them advocating a suspension of the con- 
stitution, and pleading in justification the 
ever ready plea of tyrants, necessity. We find 
the president, the mere creature of the con- 
stitution, and without wliich ho never could 
have been such, senators aud representatives, 
creatures of the constitution, all claiming to 
act by an authority higher than their creator ! 
They pledge the people in their platform 
that their administration of the finances of the 
government shall be controlled by the most 
rigid economy. Senator Hale, of New Hamp- 
shire, and Representative Dawes, of Massa- 
chusetts, and other members of the republican 
party, charged Simon Cameron, secretary of 
war, with immense frauds, and it is notorious 
that he speculated upon the miseries of his 
country. Instead of meeting with the punish- 
ment that his crimes and his recreancy to 
public interests merited, he resigns his position, 
and is appointed by the administration to one 
of the most important foreign missions. John 
C. Fremont is appointed commander in the 
west ; he surrounds himself with all the para- 
phernalia of royalty ; he lives more like an 
eastern emperor than an American general ; 
he rolls in wealth, denies that he owes allegi- 
ance to "red tape," (meaning the government); 
he spends immense sums of the money of the 
people; he is removed from the department; 
the admistration appoint a commission of men 
of their own party, of undoubted purity of 
character, to investigate his proceedings in the 
department ; their report shows that he is 
reckless and incompetent ; that millions of 
dollars were squandered and stolen from the 
government while he had control of the de- 
partment ; it impugns his loyalty, and broadly 
intimates that he is dishonest in the pecuniary 
management of the military department. In- 
stead of meeting with the unqualified condem- 
nation and disgrace that his conduct richly 
merited, he is assigned to a new and import- 
ant command, to again exhibit to the world 
his utter incompetency, at a cost to the gov-- 
ernment of national honor, the lives of thou- 
sands of her citizens and millions of public 
treasure. If the testimony of their own wit- 
nesses be taken, a reward for incompetency, 
and a premium for rascality, is the policy of 
the administration. They enunciate in their 
platform, as another cardinal point of their 
faith, that provision of the constitution of the 
United States that guarantees liberty to the 
citizen and protection to his property, and 
declares that no person shall be deprived of 
life, liberty, or property, without due process 
of law ; yet before they have held the reins 
of government for one year, on the mere order 
of a cabinet officer, without pretence of lawful 
authority, citizens are dragged from their 
homes and immured in some distant bastile of 
the government. U. S. district ? 
marshals are, by his edict, const T v p q 
the judge and jury, to decide upoL ' " .- 

of American citizens. Dragged truui i^/,,^. , 
ptates where there can be no pretence that | 

the civil law cannot be enforced, they are 
denied the right of trial by jury, or court mar- 
tial, detained without a knowledge of the 
crime with which they stand charged ; denied 
.the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, 
robbed of liberty, and tainted in reputation, 
with no knowledge of their accusers, and in- 
nocent of crime, the subjects of a government 
founded upon a written constitution which 
guarantees liberty to the citizen, they are 
made the victims of despotic usurpations dis- 
graceful to the age in which we live. Tlie 
president of the United States subsequently 
suspends the writ of habeas corjms in all the 
loyal states. The courts of the country, 
through such great jurists as Marshall, Story, 
Taney and others, have decided that the power 
to suspend the habeas corpus right — a right of 
freemen to a hearing before imprisonment — to 
protect them against unjust arrest, rests solely 
with congress. Aiticle 2, of section9, of the 
legislative department of the constitution pro- 
vides that '' The privilege of the writ of habeas 
corpus shall not be suspended unless when in 
cases of rebellion and invasion the public 
safety may require it." The government con- 
sists of three departments, the legislative, the 
judicial and the executive. The judicial is the 
department which expounds the constitution. 
It is the duty of the president to execute the 
laws as expounded by them. In suspending the 
habeas corpus right he arrogates to himself tho 
authority of the legislative department, and 
bids defiance to the plain mandates of the 
constitution, as expounded by the Judicial. 
The safety of the citizen rests solely upon the 
fact that each of the departments are a check 
upon the others, and when either department 
encroaches upon and assumes the authority of 
the others it at once becomes absolute and 
despotic, and all the safeguards of liberty are 
stricken from existence. All these acts are 
justified by the plea of "necessity." Indepen- 
dent of the considerations already presented, 
has the necessity or has the right existed ? 
The theory of our government is such that it 
affords the highest degree of protection to the 
life, liberty and property of the citizen, and 
the constitution declares that they shall be de- 
prived of neither without due process of law. 
The right of the suspension of the privilege 
of the writ of habeas corpus can only exist 
when the civil power is inoperative, for the 
reason that all ofienses against the government 
are punishable by the civil courts. There can 
be no necessity for it while the civil law pre- 
vails. If a citizen is guilty of crime against 
the government, all that is required is an affi- 
davit of the fact before the district court, 
when a warrant issues for his apprehension 
and he is held to bail, if the offense is baila- 
ble, or imprisoned if it is not. These arrests 
i„ oil ijeen made on the theory that 
_ d were guilty of treasonable 
^ ^ 7 8 J C 1 was the case the same re- 
— ^ . -t) would have been accom- 

plished by proceeding throngh the courts, and 


the assumption of the right to arrest citizens 
in the loyal states and deny to them all civil 
remedies, is a high-handed and despotic usur- 
pation, that indicates either madness or a set- 
tled design upon the part of its author to rob 
the people of their liberties. 

If an American citizen dissents from the 
policy of the admiuistratio'a he is met with the 
crv that you miifit sustain the government. If 
he disagrees with any one of the public acts 
of the president, he is again met with the cry 
that you imist sustain the qovcrntnent ; thus at- 
tempting to educate the American people in 
the slavish doctrine that the president is the 
government, and that his power is absolute, 
when, in fact, the president is the temporary 
creature of the constitution, elected by the 
people as their aervant, to execute the behests 
of the constitution, and the laws of the legis- 
tive department, as expounded by the judi- 
ciary, '^he people are the rulers, and the man 
who denies the right of an American citizen 
to dissent from the policy of any president, 
perhaps does not reflect that, if adhered to ami 
enforced, that he is building upon the ruins of 
the constitution and republican liberty an ab- 
solute despotism, and lorging chains for him- 
self and posterity. The l.^'aders of the repub- 
lican party made their political campaign upon 
the theory that they were especial defenders 
of free speech and a free press. They stand 
pledged to it by every avowal of policy during 
their short existence prior to their acquisition 
of power ; yet now the freedom of speech is 
but a name, and American citizens, to insure 
their personal safety, are compelled to remain 
quiet and passive, while the very vitals of free- 
dom are being wrenched from the temple, and 
the government freemen love, with a patriotic 
fervor incomprehensible to fanatics, is with- 
out anchor, drifting at the mercy of fanati- 
cism, partisan prejudice and personal malice. 
They have established a censorship of the 

to justify their revolutionary action, wa 
that it was the intention of the administra- 
tion to rob the southern people of their slave 
property. Instead of sustaining the solemn 
inaugural declaration of the president of the 
United States that he had "no lawful right" 
or inclination to interfere with slavery in the 
slave states — instead of standing by and sus- 
taining the resolution of congress passed 
by themselves, which declared that congress, 
nor the states, nor the people, had the right 
to interfere -with slavery in the slaveholding 
states — instead of strengthening the hands of 
the loyal men in the rebellious states, and 
aiding them in their effort to overthrow the 
detestable revolutionary despotism of the 
southern leaders,by acting in manner to prove 
that the war was carried on for the preserva- 
tion of the Union and the maintenance of 
the constitution, the Trumbulls, Chandlers 
and Sumners, the Gieelys and the Lovejoys, 
and the host of radical leaders, commenced 
a fanatical crusade that knew neither law nor 
reason, in favor of the freedom of the negro. 
While the leaders of the rebellion were at- 
tempting to delude the people of the south 
in favor of the rebellion, by the argument 
that their slave property was in danger, the 
radical leaders were daily furnishing mates 
rial to sustain their allegations — to aid them 
in their designs. These radicals abolished 
slavery in the District of Columbia, they 
recognized the negro government of Hayti 
as a national equal, and they proposed to re- 
duce the rebellious states to a territorial con- 
dition, and although asserting their belief in 
the loyalty of the majority of the southern 
people, they advocated the emancipation of 
the whole negro race of those states, whether 
the property of loyal or disloyal masters, and 
fanatical missionaries were sent among them 
to teach them murder, rapine, robbery and 

press as degrading as ever maintained in the 
absolute despotisms of the Old World. One 
of the great safeguards of American liberty 
rests in the freedom of the press. When that 
right is destroyed, and the press of the country 
becomes the mere mouth-piece of those in au- 
thority, the servile tool to fawn at the foot of 
power, then farewell to American liberty. Yet 
the leaders of this party, which professed to 
be its especial defenders, have suppressed pub- 
lic journals when they dared dissent from the 
policy of the administration, although in so 
doing, according to their honest judgment, 
they were battling for the supremacy of the 
constitution and the maintenance of the 

What has been the result of their action 
upon the rebellion? Disaster in the field 
and additional vitality to treason. The lead- 
ers of the southern rebellion, as is well 
known by every man acquainted with its 
history, carried out a majority of the rebel- 
lious states against the known will of the 
people. The pretext of the rebel leaders, 

arson — to teach them the virtues of massacre 
of helpless women and children — of the old 
and decrepid — loyal or disloyal, and food 
and raiment were supplied them from the 
government stores to sustain them in their 
part of the abolition crusade for negro 
"liberty! " 

The very temple of American constitutional 
liberty, the capitol, by their invitation, was 
desecrated by the unhallowed tread of that 
arch■^traitor, Wendell Phillips, the man who 
proclaims the "constitution a covenant with 
death and a league with hell," and who 
boasts that he has devoted himself for a 
quarter of a century to the destruction of 
the Union. He delivered a harangue in the 
house of representatives, and was applauded 
to the echo, by men who had sworn to sup« 
port the constitution he denounced — by men 
who were the representatives of the govern- 
ment he hated, and for years had sought to 
destroy. In short, they did everything that 
infernal ingenuity could devise to exasperate 
the whole people of all the slave states, and 

drive those who still clung to the Union into 
armed rebellion. With these men the main^ 
tenance of the Union and the preservation 
of the constitution is nothing ; right of 
property is nothing. The lives of thousands 
of patriots, saciificed on the battle-fields, 
nothing. Their oath of office is nothing. 
They acknowledge no moral or legal re- 
straints. They are the fanatical devotees of 
an idea — they start out to alter the very laws 
of nature, the one grand design being to 
elevate the negro to political equality with 
the white man. They have done more to 
give vitality and endurance to the rebellion 
than Jeff. Davis and all the other traitorous 
leaders of the south. They put a pressure 
on our generals, when the first army 6i pa- 
triots assembled for the defense of Washing- j 
ton. Their theory about the negro then was, 
that the slaves of the south would rebel against 
their masters, and that seventy-five thousand 
men would crush out the rabellion in three 
months. The halls of congress, from morning 
till night, resounded witli the cries of freedom 
to the negro and "on to Richmond." The pa- 
triots of the country besought them to forget 
the?jfl(7ro,in the terrible crisis, and sustain the 
president and the army in their efforts to 
maintain the Union and the CnustihUion, and 
vindicate the outraged laws. They were an- 
swered with the cry of "traitor." The gen- 
erals, against their better judgment, yielded 
to the "pressure," the army advanced, the 
result will never be forgotten. The patriots 
whose bones are reposing around Bull Run, 
were the victims of the madness of these 
men. They were the authors of our first 
great disaster in the field. Again and again 
they were appealed to, to forget the negro, 
but they worshipped him AN'ith an idolatry 
that bid defiance to reason. They freed the 
negroes in the District of Columbia, who they 
deprived of homes or means of support, who, 
ragged, hungry, helpless, next claimed their 
sympathies. They appropriated the people's 
money to feed and clot)ie them, they took 
them under the especial guardianship of 
the government, and while American citi- 
zens are suffering by reason of the calami- 
ties that surround us, the negro lolls lazily 
around Washington, fat, jolly and indifferent, 
the recipient of the bounty of those men, 
not taken from their own pockets, but from 
the pockets of the people, from the vaults of 
the government, to supply the every day in- 
creasing demands on which the people are 
being borne to the earth ■with taxation. 
These fanatical destructives have their espe- 
cial heroes among the generals of the army. 
John C, Fremont is one. He freed two ne- 
groes in Missouri! General Hunter is anoth- 
er. He took fifty thousand arms to Hilton 
Head for the purpose of arming negroes, he 
organized a brigade, he armed them, and 
clothed them, and filled the trump of aboli- 
tion fame. Part of his sooty brigade ran 

away without their arms; the balance ran 
.Bway -with them, and gave them to their rebel 
masters. A general in the field may be dis- 
honest, incompetent and disloyal, but if his 
faith in the negro is strong, all other faults 
are forgotten by them. A general may be 
the hero of a hundred fights, his honesty 
may be unquestioned, his devotion to his 
country not exceeded in history, yet if he 
fail to capture and free the negro, and clothe 
him at the expense of the government, he is 
denounced by them as a traitor. George B. 
McClellan was denounced by these destruc- 
tives as a traitor. Buell is so denounced, and 
Halleck does not escape theircalumnies. They 
threatened the president and insinuated 
that he, too, was a traitor, and put such a 
" pressure'' on him, that he succumbed to 
them and issued a proclamation of emancipa- 
tion, which he declared, but a few days before, 
would do "no good," "would be "inopera- 
tive," like " the Pope's Bull against the 
comet." McClellan before Fiichmond plead for 
reinforcements. The destructives answered 
him with the cry of "traitor," and they put 
a "pressure" on the administration that pre- 
vented his reinforcement. When his army 
was overpowered by numbers, oppressed and 
driven back — although, by common consent 
of all military men, he exhibited great mili- 
tary genius in his retreat, and saved an ar- 
my in the face of superior numbers — when 
surrounded by almost insurmountable diffi- 
culties, tliey were possessed by a demoniac 
.lilarity, and their cry was, "Did not we tell 
you he was a traitor?" They then put anoth- 
er "pressure" on the president that resulted 
in the appointment of Gen. Pope to the 
command. He was their then chosen chief. 
He flaunted all the banners of the rad- 
icals. He fought with proclamations. — 
His campaign can be briefly written. Ho 
left Washington with a well disciplined and 
formidable army. He ridiculed "strategy." 
He knew no "lines of retreat." He indulged 
in sounding dispatches. He had no eye to 
his rear, or "bases of supplies." The enemy 
found his rear; he was disgracefully outgeu- 
eraled, and his noble army, dismayed, disor- 
ganized, demoralized and defeated, for want 
of a general, was driven back, step by step, to 
the defenses around Washington. A •■pres- 
sure" was here, in turn, put upon the admin- 
istration, by the mortified and chagrined 
army. They demanded that McClellan be 
appointed to command them. They had 
confidence in his loyaltj-^ and his capacity. 
The government acquiesced, and he was ap- 
pointed. Washington was besieged ; he had 
the remnant of a beaten and disorganized 
army ; he brought order out of confusion ; 
he went to the field, defeated the whole rebel 
army, raised the seige of AVashington, and 
drove them out of Maryland. In every case 
where abolition "pressure" has been success- 
ful, disaster and disgrace have followed. 


Many a patriot home has been desolated by 
these 'pressures.' Thecountry is being flooded 
with vagabondn negroes to fill our poor houses 
and eat out our substance, by these "prcs» 
sures." Millions of dollars of the money of 
the people, already groaning under immense 
burthens, is being spent to clothe and feed 
the negro, as a result of these "pressures." 
Abolition "pressures'' have combined the 
whole people of the rebellious states against 
the government. Their "pressures" are al- 
ways "pressures" upon the throat of the 
government, and the pockets of the people, 
and if not discontinued, will result in the 
extinction of the vitality of the one and the 
utter depletion of the other. The negro is 
still their cry. They at first contended that 
he was an element of weakness in the south. 
They now say he is tlie only element that 
gives vitality to the rebellion ! They are 
now the advocates of universal emancipation, 
with compensation to the loyal masters, if 
the rebellion is suppressed before the 1st 
January. They bought the negroes in the 
District of Columbia, over a year ago. A 
large number of them are still being fed and 
clothed by the government, with the money 
of the people; thousands of rations are 
daily being issued to negroes, at the different 
military posts. The cost of feeding the ne- 
groes already within our lines is enormous, 
is an immense burthen upon the people. 
Suppose their policy was carried out, what 
would be the result 'i There are four millions 
of slaves in the south. At least one-half of. 
them, if free, would have to be fed and 
clothed by the government. Two millions of 
negroes to be fed and clothed with the money 
wrung from the hard labor of the people ! 
It is proper to consider, for a moment, how 
much it would cost. We now have a million 
of men in the field. The daily cost of feed- 
ing and clothing that army is not less than 
seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars. 
It would cost as much to feed the negro as 
the white man. To feed two millions of ne- 
groes it would cost the people, at least, one 
million five hundred thousand dollars daily, 
and what is to become of the otlier two mil- 
lions ? They cannot live in the south. Ac- 
cording to the theory of these men the whole 
south is to be desolated — is to be made "a 
howling wilderness. " Their theory is to 
scatter them over the free states, to be ab- 
sorbed by the great channels of labor in the 
north, until, at some future time, some negro 
elysium can be found, and purchased with 
the money of the people, and then the gov, 
ernment will spend some thousands of mil- 
lions more of the people's money, to pay for 
their deportation. Such are ideas that fill 
the crazed brains of some of these men, and 
leaders, too. They would spend for the negro 
slave, daily, more money than is realized bj' 
the labor of the whole northwest. They 
would not only do that, but they would bring 

them to the free states to compete with white 
labor. They would have the corn-fields of 
Illinois tilled by free negro labor. They 
would so cheapen labor that it would not be 
sufficiently remunerative to the white man 
to sustain him, and so degrade labor that the 
sweat of the laboring vrhite man, as it 
dropped from his brow, would signalize his 
equality with the negro race. Capital will 
use that labor which is the cheapest, and 
white labor, in remuneration, would be at 
the mercy of free negro labor. 

That it is the object of these men to scat- 
ter the freed negroes through the free states, 
to come in competition with the white labor- 
erers is demonstrated by a thousand acts. 
Although there is an express provision in 
the constitution of the state of Illinois pro- 
hibiting the immigration of free negroes to 
the state, and although the people of this 
state, by a vote at the late election on the 
constitution, by a majority of over 100,000, 
adopted a clause that provides "that no ne- 
gro or mulatto shall migrate to or settle in 
this state after the adoption of this consti- 
tution," yet we find, the following corress 
pondence between Secretary Stanton and 
General Tuttle, the military commandant at 
Cairo : 

Cairo, Aup;ust 29. 
To E. M. St-anton, Secretary of War : 

A large lot or negroes arrived here this morninff 
from Gen. Curtis' arnij', mostly women and chil- 
dren. I have now at this place over 300 women and 
children. What shall I do them? They will starve 
if not fed. J. M. Tuttle, 

Brig. Gen. commanding District of Cairo. 

Washington, August 29. 
To Brig. Gen. Tuttle : 

It is your duty, and you are directed to issue 
from the quartermaster and commissary stores, the 
necessary supplies for the negroes mentioned in 
your report, and put to work such as are capable 
of service. You will direct a special account to bo 
kept of the supplies received and the labor done. 
Edwin M. Staxton, 
Secretary of War. 

Secretary Stanton subsequently instructed 
General Tuttle to send the negroes, at the 
expense of the government, to dilferent 
parts of the state, and distribute them among 
those who were Avilling to take and support 
them for their labor. Against the expressed 
will of the people of the state of Illinois, and 
contrary to the plain provisions of the con- 
stitution, these men are attempting to force 
these negroes upon us, and when assailed for 
it, answer with the ever ready plea of " ne- 
cessity." It is an outrage upon the dignity 
of the state, and if continued can but result 
in seriously affecting her welfare. Illinois 
has chosen to protect her white laboring clas' 
ses from this degrading competition, and Sec- 
retary Stanton should bo advised by your 
votes nest month, that the people of Illinois 
will not tolerate it. These men, from their 
long devotion to the negro, seem to huve forx 
gotten that this country was made for the 
benefit of white men. 

The special Washington correspondent of 
the Missouri Democrat, an abolition journal, 
sent tlie following significant item from head 
quarters, in a spirit exultation : 

" Over two thousand able-bodied black refugees 
are employed in the quartermaster's department 
here and itpon the defenses at Washington, at re- 
duced wages. The amount saved on the difference 
between their pay and that of white Isborers, is 
much more than sufficient to support the five or 
six hundred colored women and children in gov- 
ernment hands. This is derived from official per- 
sons, who say the contrabands are really a source 
' of governmeut profit." 

That is, two thousand white American citi- 
zens are thrown out of employment, with 
white children and white women depending 
upon them for their daily bread, to make way 
for the negro, and all abolitiondom joins in 
a general hallilujah. They announce, with a 
flourish of trumpets, that they secure the ne- 
gro labor at much cheaper rates than the la- 
bor of the whites, and that negro labor is a 
source of profit to the government! 

Secretary Stanton subsequently issued the 
following order to General Tuttle: 

"You will please send no more contrabands, or 
persons of color to IWmoiSi, until fn.ftker orders.'" 

The impudence of the last order exceeds 
the effrontery of the first. No apology for 
the open violation of the constitution of the 
state. No excuse for insulting and outraging 
the people of the state. Nothing to justify 
an open disregard of our fundamental law; 
but a plain order, which means do not send 
any more iiegroen to IlUnols, until after the ehc- 
Hon! Secretary Stanton should be apprised, 
by their votes, on the 4th November, that the 
people of Illinois will not tolerate this negro 
immigration to the state. They Aaw decided, 
in tones not to be mistaken, that they intend 
to protect their laboring classes from all such 
degrading competition. However much it may 
interfere with crazy and fanatical abolition 
schemes, they should maintain, at all hazards, 
their undoubted right to carry it out. 

Their policy is to emancipate and colonize 
the negro and devastate the south. Tlie dif- 
ficulties that interpose to prevent the suc- 
cessful accomplishment of that result, and 
the disaster that would ensue to the great 
northwest, as a consequence of it, have never 
been fuUj'^ appreciated. Before the traitorous 
fratricidal rebellion had broken out in the 
south, our countrjf was the wonder of the 
world. We liad advanced in all the material 
elements of greatness with a rapidity un- 
known to history. Our commerce whitened 
every sea — our armies had triumphed in every 
contest. The wealth of the country was not 
concentrated among the few, but was diffused 
among the many. The title of American citi- 
zen was a proud one, and commanded the 
respect of the whole civilized World. The 
agriculturalist of the northwest reaped a 
rich harvest for his labor. Money was 
abundant, and the burdens of government 
sat lightly upon the shoulders of the people. 

It would be proper to investigate what were 
the causes that produced such wonderful and 
such happy results. They proceeded from 
the fact that we had a diversified system of 
agriculture, that created for the whole coun- 
try the most remunerative reciprocal trade 
the world ever saw. The culture of cotton 
and tobacco was the most profitable to the 
south, and the energies of the whole southern 
people were devoted to it. They raised no 
breadstuflFs. The great northwest was a 
grain growing country, and tlie surplus pro- 
ducts of her soil were sold tc the south to 
feed her people. As a result of this, the 
northwestern people were rapidly accumu-. 
lating wealth. These men propose to exter- 
minate the southern people, devastate and 
ruin the south, and deprive her of that labor 
which produced the money that paid for the 
products of the northwest. The permanent 
eifect of the practical application of their 
ideas to the south can be ascertained by con- 
trasting the condition of the country now 
with its condition before the war. The sur- 
plus grain and the surplus hogs of the north- 
west demanded remunerative prices. After 
the rebellion of the southern leaders, trade 
between tlie two sections was stopped, and 
what was the result ? The products of the 
northwest, without a market, are almost val- 
ueless. The vital element of western pros- 
perity is stricken from existence. Corn is 
Iiardlj' wortli the labor that is required to 
raise it, and hogs scarcely pay for driving 
them to market. 

Strike from existence the southern people, 
deprive them of their labor, and the north- 
west will have to revolutionize her whole 
system of agriculture, which can only be done 
gradually,orherpopulation,instead of increas- 
ing, will decrease; her greatness will 
forever. But waiving all considerations of 
prosperity, are not such projects visionary 
and impossible of accomplishment ? They 
propose, with or without their will, to colo- 
nize four millions of people. 

Let candid men reflect upon it. If there 
was no opposition offered to it, how long a 
time would it take to accomplish it — how 
much would it cost the government, and what 
would be its result upon the negro ? It would 
be a most stupendous and absurd undertaks 
ing. Every man knows that but a small pro- 
portion of the negro population would go 
willingly. The forcible deportation of half 
the negro slaves, independent of the cost of 
transportation to another country, is an im- 
possibility. All history teaches its folly. The 
cost of the atrocious rebellion of the southern 
leaders would be a mere cypher by the side of 
it. It would take a standing army as great as 
the array now in the field years to accom- 
plish it. Millions might be squandered in 
such an enterprise, the substance and pros- 
perity of the white j^eople eaten up and 
everlastingly destroyed, and the end not yet 

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accomplished. Is there any philanthropy or 
huinanitarianism in it? Abolitionism pro» 
poses to take these negroes, with or without 
their consent, to some country with which 
they are unacquainted, without education, 
and lacking self reliance or capacity to sus- 
tain themselves. They would be incapable 
of forming a government or securing a 
livelihood. If it be their scheme to sup« 
port them, as a pauper colony of the 
of the government, after deportation, they 
might claim the thanks of the negro. If 
not, they are certainly his bitterest foe. They 
propose to devastate the south and extermin- 
ate the people. Let that be the policy that 
is to control, and how long would the war 
continue? If the armies were beaten in the 
field, the people, having nothing but destruc- 
tion in store for them, would organize in guer- 
rilla bands, and destroy the usefulness of the 
territory now composing the rebellious states 
for a century. The result of abolition policy 
would be that the negroes would be diiven 
out of the south, into the free states, a por- 
tion to become paupers and vagabonds in 
society, and another portion to overthrow 
and revolutionize the labor of the north — to 
degrade the laboring man to their level, to 
make labor the victim of capital, and to build 
up a monied aristocracy, that would trample 
the laboring man to the dust. Further, the 
great market of the northwest would be de- 
stroyed, corn would rot in the cribs, the 
whole white people of the country would be 
impoverished, and ruin and devastation 
would fill the land. That these results would 
follow from the policy of abolitionism, no 
man who reflects can doubt. It has put pres- 
sure upon the president, on generals in the 
field, and on our armies. This, instead of in- 
juring the enemy has ever resulted in his ad- 
vantage, and in disaster to the government. 
Such pressure has been of a character that 
the Union, the constitution, the welfare of 
the whole county and particularlry of the 
northwest, the security of white labor, 
and the respectability of the white la" 
borer, are all to succomb to their mad and 
crazy schemes. Let "the Union as it was, 
and the constitution as it is," be the battle- 
cry of our armies. Let the people at the 
ballot-box renew their allegiance to both, as 
has been already gloriously done in Ohio, In- 
diana and Pennsylvania. Let the loyal peo- 
ple of the South know that we are not im- 
pelled in this war by revenge, or a desire 
for plunder, or to rob them of their liberties; 
but that, on the contrary, we are fighting for 

the maintenance of the Union, that aflfordec 
them protection and unparalleled prosperity 
and for that constitution which has protectee 
them in the past, and will protect them, a 
loyal citizens, in the future. Let these aboli 
tion schemes be repudiated by the indignan 
voice of a free people. Let the silent and stead 
determinationof every patriot be that theUn 
ion and the constitution must and shall b 
preserved, and the power of .Jeff. Davis, an 
other wicked southern leaders, will be swep 
from the land forever. Let every man wh 
desires the welfare of the country urge tl 
prosecution of the war against the armed reb 
els of the south, and make war at the ballot 
box against the crazy, incendiai'y and destruc 
tive tendencies of abolitionism, and in a lit 
tie while peace will spread her gentle mantl 
around us, and the Union preserved, withou 
a star erased or a stripe obliterated, wil 
commence a new and a more vigorous ca 
reer of glory, and the truth of man' 
capacity to govern himself will be de 
monstrated by the highest testimony.— 
But, on the contrary, let the landmark 
of the constitution be deserted, let the lib 
erty of the people be violated, let the publi 
treasury be plundered, let the cry be "negro 
negro," instead of Union and constitution 
and the future is impenetrable. If sue 
things are to occur, it is perhaps better fo 
us all that we cannot lift the veil of the fu 
ture. It would present nothing but miser 
and devastation. Cast loose from law, au 
we are on the rapids of anarchy. 

Men of Illinois, if you desire to secure lib 
terty for yourselves and posterity,TOte agains 
these men. If you desire to protect tlie la 
boring classes from degrading competitio 
with free negroes, vote against these men 
If you desire to secure freedom of speed 
and freedom of the press, vote against thes 
men. If you want protection from enormou 
taxation, for the benefit of the negro, vot 
against these men. If you want the countr 
secure against anarchy, vote against thes 
men. If you want victory to perch upon th- 
banners of our armies, vote against thes 
men. If you want the public treasury secur 
from plunder, vote against these men. 
you want the Union preserved, the constitu 
tion maintained, and the outraged laws vindi 
cated, vote against these. Their every ac 
proves their entire want of capacity to goveri 
the country, and their rule can but result ii 
the destruction of our liberties and the rui 
of the nation. 

MEN OF ILLn^aj.^i 

The freemen of Pennsylvania, Ohio and In- 
diana, on Tuesday, October 14th, set you. a 
glorious example. 

In Pennsylvania^ where Mr. Lincoln had 
60,000 majority two years ago, such has been 
the popular disgust and indignation at aboli- 
tion rule, that they have elected democratic 
state officers, a democratic legislature, and, 
but for an infamous gerrymander, by the last 
abolition legislature of that state, would have 
elected a majority of the congressmen. As it 
is, five abolitionists have been driven from 
their seats, and democrats will supply their 
places. So much for the Keystone state. 

Ohio, the Empire state of the west, last 
year gave 54,000 abolition majority, and in 
the present congress has thirteen abolition 
members and eight democrats, and so corrupt 
was her last abolition legislature, that they 
attempted to stock up the districts so as to 
give the democrats but two ! The people on 
Tuesday visited their condemnation upon this 
unscrupulous party. They elected'democratic 
state officers by a majority of 15,000 ! and 
but five abolitionists are elected to congress 
from the state ! 

Indiana, too, has done noble work. Lin- 
coln had 23,000 majority two years ago, but 
now the people have elected democratic state 
officers, a democratic legislature and a ma- 
jority of the members of congress chosen are 
democrats, instead of abolitionists ! 

In Iowa the people made noble fight, but 
the patronage of the government was too 
great, while the tyrannical treatment, by ar- 
rest and imprisonment, of loyal men who con- 
demned abolition iniquity, inspired a terror 
among the masses that deterred exertion, 
which, if put forth, would have secured re- 
sults similar to those achieved in Pennsyl- 
vania, Ohio and Indiana. 

It is against such tyranny — such corrupt 
abuse of power, that you are called upon now 
to array yourselves, armed with the freeman's 
great weapon, the ballot. 

Illinoisans, imita 
set you on Tuesday, 
that Illinois, top, sf 
was and the consti 
man's rights — white 

encroachments of despotic power, and lanauJ^ 
and degrading efforts to make our glorious 
state an asylum for negroes, and to so pervert 
our laws as to give them political and social 
equality with the white man ! Freeman, 
speak ! so that corrupt and reckless power 
may hear, and be forced to heed ! 


On the 4th November, go to the polls, and 
vote the White Man's Ticket: 

For Congress- 

-At Large . 

For State Treasurer : 

For Superintendent of Public Instruction . 


In addition to the foregoing, put upon your 
ballots these names : 

For Congress — %th District : 

For State Senator : 

For Representatives : ' 


For Sheriff : 

For Coroner : 







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